1 ‘Consumer Trust in Food. A European Study of the Social and Institutional Conditions for the Production of Trust’ has been funded by the European Commission, 5th Framework Programme, Quality of Life, Key Action 1, Contract no. QLK1-CT-2001-00291. This press note is, however, presenting statements made by the involved researchers and the note is not expressing the view of the Commission. Consumer Trust in Food Final Conference November 22nd 2004 Press Note Are European problems with consumer distrust in food about to be solved? The UK has succeeded in reducing a lack of consumer trust in the safety of food. The Food Standards Agency and the development of integrated supply chains controlled by supermarket chains, underpinned by strong European and national regulation, saw the UK emerge from crisis with some of the highest levels of trust in food in Europe. In other countries, like Germany, Portugal and Italy, there is still significant concern and controversy. This is shown by research undertaken in the TRUSTINFOOD project (2002-2004), funded by the European Union 1). The project has aimed at a better understanding of the dynamics and the implications of variations in trust within the field of food. Representative population surveys were conducted in Denmark, Germany, Italy, Norway, Portugal and the UK, accompanied by in-depth studies of the ways in which production, distribution and regulation are organised in each country and at the EU level. The final conclusions from the project are being released at a conference in Brussels today, November 22 nd 2004. In whom do consumers trust? High consumer trust levels (UK, Denmark, Norway) are associated with consensus and clarity when it comes to the division of responsibilities between the state, various market actors and individual consumers. In countries with low levels of trust (Italy, Portugal, Germany) responsibilities are more fragmented and there is considerable controversy between actors. Responsibility is also linked to power and control. In high-trust countries at least one or two powerful actors are trusted to tell the truth in case of a food scandal. Low-trust countries have no actors with significant power in whom the population have confidence. The establishment of new public agencies seems in several cases to have improved clarity for food safety. However, the effect on consumer trust depends on the performance of such agencies, in

particular whether they actively demonstrate that they are taking on this responsibility when new cases emerge on the public agenda. Transparency is also crucial for sceptical consumers. Food purchasing is a key relation. In general, countries where supermarkets predominate show higher levels of trust in food safety whereas countries with more diverse forms of food distribution show considerably lower levels of trust. Supermarket based distribution systems provide specific conditions for purchasing, with impersonal relations and emphasis on standardisation and pre-packaged, processed foods. Trust may be associated with the higher predictability that these systems provide, but it may also be due to lower expectations and less product knowledge among supermarket shoppers. Trust and consumer power? British consumers fit best into the notion of active and conscious individual shoppers while Nordic consumers rely much more on public protection. Consumers in the south are less active, but they do not trust public protection either, ending with a privatised consumer role, relying more on personal networks. The German understanding of the consumer comes out as most controversial, shifting between all of these positions. However, the role of consumers seems to be changing. From being seen as private family members to be protected or as rational, individual shoppers, we see the emergence of an active citizen consumer who wishes to influence and who has concerns for personal as well as wider political and welfare issues. New trust problems When it comes to food safety public and private institutional reforms seem to have had positive effects on trust in several countries, especially in the UK. However, this does not mean that all trust problems are resolved. For despite its widespread coverage in the mass media, food safety is not the issue that causes most worry. Other food issues emerging on the public agenda, for example nutrition, are associated with considerable uncertainty and controversy, and are characterised by unclear and fragmented responsibilities that may cause new waves of consumer distrust in food across Europe.

Enclosure: Some characteristics of each country Denmark Danish consumers have high trust in their food. The Danish situation is characterised by high trust in their “system” more than direct evaluations of institutional actors. Denmark has an export oriented, very powerful agricultural industry, a supermarket based distribution system and long traditions for active regulatory involvement by public authorities, where interrelations are characterised by consensus and clarity. This is particularly the case for food safety, while issues like nutrition and quality are more uncertain. Some Danish consumers are active, concerned, and refer to particular strategies they use. This is mirrored by the significance of alternative channels for food production and distribution, especially organic food. Germany The German food market is large, heterogeneous and, to a large degree, disjointed. The public policy has recently been reorganised, but the structure is still characterised by divisions and lack of clarity, partly referring to the federal structure. While Germans have a medium level of confidence in the food they bring home, they display strong scepticism towards the safety of different foods and various institutional actors as well as pessimism towards the development of food issues. This problematic situation is reflected even among institutional actors, where there is considerable controversy about divisions of responsibilities and many blame the consumers. German consumers respond negatively to this, quite a few by protesting through their shopping practices. Germany seems to be in a transitional state, with widespread uncertainty about responsibilities, the consumer role and viable institutional solutions. Great Britain The British food market, while big and complex, is characterised by the dominance of a few big supermarket chains with considerable integration backwards in the food chain. The British supermarkets have taken on a leading role in terms of safety and quality. The establishment of the Food Standards Agency in the aftermath of the BSE crisis has contributed to clarity and consensus about the responsibilities for food safety. British consumers have responded positively and show very high levels of trust in food and optimism about the development. Some scepticism has remained, however, and trust depends strongly on the performance of institutional actors. British consumers are quite active and conscious about their own role. This may lead to rapid shifts in trust as new issues, like nutrition or ethical issues, gain prominence on the agenda. Norway Trust levels are high in Norway, and, as in the UK and Denmark, there is widespread consensus and clear divisions of responsibilities. The structure of the food market is, however, very different, with a closed system of agricultural dominance and price oriented supermarkets. There is general agreement about the responsibility of the state to ensure consumer welfare, and consumer trust is strongly associated with this role of the state. These features are particularly strong for food safety, to some degree even for nutrition, while quality issues, which have been influenced by standardisation and bulk production, are relegated to market based decisions. Individual consumers are generally not seen as actors with a choice and a voice to be heard.

Italy Italian marketing is dominated by domestic production, but emphasising local typicality rather than national origins. The discourse focuses on food quality, encompassing a variety of issues, including even safety and nutrition. The Italian market is very complex, both at production and distribution levels. Together with fragmented public responsibilities, the overall situation is characterised by lack of clarity.Transparency is also low. The response among consumers is widespread scepticism and distrust towards institutional actors and pessimism about the development of various food issues, and trust relations tend to depend on particular personal relations and familiarity rather than general institutional solutions. Portugal Portuguese consumers tend to be very sceptical, often relying on familiar personal networks. The food market is heterogeneous and is in a transitional state, including very traditional as well as modernised forms of food production and distribution. Public responsibilities are more centralised than in Italy and Germany, but there is still a lack of clarity and consensus with regard to considerations for consumers and their safety. Public discourse about responsibilities is contentious and strongly politicised, especially for food safety. Consumers, while uncertain, feeling pessimistic and embattled, distinguish strongly in their trust in different types of food. This is probably a reflection of the plurality of distribution systems represented, some in which they feel more confident and in control than others.